
Over the years, the US has maintained an imperialist influence in the Middle East, and the autocratic regimes placed their strongmen into power. The corruption within the political structures became so prevalent that the people of Tunisia decided to revolt. The revolt in Tunisia had a domino effect in the falling of other regimes in the region, like Egypt. The people in Egypt were angry at Hosni Mubarak’s reign, and they demanded their political and economic freedoms. After the Egyptian people toppled Mubarak’s regime, the Muslim Brotherhood became the number 1 leading political influence in the region. The dominant influence of the Muslim Brotherhood now represents the new elites. The elites of Egypt’s current regime will have a very strong influence in the country’s political future. First, in order to fully comprehend the uprisings in the Middle East, past political events must be examined.
Although events in Egypt were an isolated incident, the uprising was a culmination of events in the making. The Egyptian uprising is reminiscent of what occurred during the 1979 Iranian Revolution; an Islamist movement to oust a dictator supported by the U.S. During the Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini ousted Shah Pahlavi, a U.S. ally and his departure heralded an Islamist movement throughout the Middle East. The Islamist movement threatened to overturn U.S. influence in the region, and dictators were put in place by the US to fight against the USSR. The U.S. decided to support Mubarak. In other words, the American political apparatchiks of the past supported the dictators of the present. Noam Chomsky states in his Tom Dispatch article, Is the world too big to fail? “The democracy uprising in the Arab world has been a spectacular display of courage, dedication, and commitment by popular forces...” According to Chomsky, it is a victory against popular forces against the US imperial agenda to control energy reserves of the Middle East that would yield substantial control over the Arab world. However, the U.S. strategy of supporting Arab strongmen backfired; these dictators did not only attack communist sympathizers of the USSR, but progressives, democratic nationalists, liberals, and labor organizers. The system that the strongmen of the Middle East stood for has been the status quo in the region for many years. It took great courage for the people in the Middle East to protest the status quo and finally stand up against their corrupt oppressors. The first Middle East country to revolt started with Tunisia.
Tunisia started the wildfire protests near the town of Sibi Bouzid in mid-December, in order to oust the President Ben Ali, who the people suspected amassed a fortune through widespread political corruption. The economic conditions tipped the scale of fragility. James Surowiecki in The New Yorker mentions: “Income growth and business productivity are low. Economic growth and job creation have been so slow to keep up with an expanding workforce, and this has led to high unemployment, particularly among the young. Inflation, even before the recent spike in food and fuel prices, has been a persistent problem throughout the region, and corruption is endemic.” According to The Economist, the president televised that he would create 300,000 jobs for unemployed graduates within 2 years to address the economic disparity. However, Tunisians did not see the televised footage, because the Internet was heavily censored. The police made mass arrests of protestors and cracked down on Internet bloggers. They closed down academic institutions, which stimulated more demonstrations en masse by youths on the streets tweeting from their mobile phones. The Tunisians’ discontent travelled beyond economic grievances, and showed no signs of abating.
This revolution that became known as the Jasmine Revolution, because it happened unexpectedly, in Tunisia crumbled the 23-year oppressive reign of Mr. Ben Ali. The revolution’s success caused a domino effect across the Arab world, “where other rulers watched anxiously, wondering if events in Tunisia will serve as a rallying cry in other countries,” states the Economist. The Egyptians saw a similar plight from the economic and political situations of the Tunisian. They too suffered from rising food and commodity prices, unemployment and poverty. Furthermore, a Professor Emeritus at DePaul University mentioned during a talk at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs that institutionalized corruption ran rampant causing an estimated $28 billion cost to the economy, due to the debt held by banks and no foreign reserves. The Professor Emeritus also mentioned that Egypt faced the possibility of an estimated 60% unemployment and 30% inflation. Those are reasons that accumulated behind the Egyptian people’ explicit demands for much needed reforms.
The Egyptian people demanded the dissolution of the parliament, the holding of new elections in September, and demanded that Mubarak and his regime leave. Al-Jazeera and many social media outlets televised news of the protests, which made it impossible for the authoritarian regime to control the flow of information. The nationwide protest turned out to be the largest act of civil disobedience in the 30 years of President Hosni Mubarak’s rule. The marcher’s focused their slogans on Egypt’s leadership, “Down with Mubarak.” Women peasants, factory workers, and students holding up signs, were able to seize control of Tahrir Square, a broad traffic junction in the city center. The authorities attempted to clamp down on social networking sites like twitter and blocked cell phone reception; but under pressure from western allies to enact democratic reforms, and the risk of being isolated, Mubarak conceded to the protestor’s demands over televised media that he would leave office after the next election.
However, Mubarak’s parliament construed the constitution in a way that made the opposition, like the Muslim Brotherhood, impossible to run as a political party. Mohamed ElBaradei, a former head of the UN’s IAEA, supported by the Muslim Brotherhood took the opportunity to offer him self as a prospective leader for the opposition, once political reforms were enacted. According to ElBaradei, the Constitution (Article 76) made it possible for candidates to be elected by having 250 official votes and that they must be a leading member of a political party. Events played out in a way that benefited the opposition.
In reality, the military held the reigns of the state. The Egyptian paramilitary were doubtful which way to go, but decided to side with the Egyptian people. Finally, Mubarak was ousted from public office and parts of the constitution thrown out, allowing for democratic processes. The Muslim Brotherhood influences extended as far as individual members appointed to the military, because the Muslim Brotherhood influenced the middle-class, bourgeoisie, and the paramilitary organizations, divergent from extreme Islam –the Jihadists, since 1928. Their only successes have been placing supporters into political roles since 2005; the Brotherhood attempted to develop a platform from which to transform into a political party, after an alliance with the Waf’d and Labor Party. The Muslim Brotherhood obtained one-fifth of the political seats, which established their status as the most important opposition force in Egypt.
After Mubarak was ousted from public office, the Muslim Brotherhood seized the opportunity like its other subsidiaries, Islamist movements in Yemen, Jordon, Morocco, and Algeria to establish a political platform distinct from the broader religious movement. Egypt’s decision to become a political party revealed other similar movements of Islamist groups forming political parties in the Arab countries; for instance, Jordan’s Islamic Action Front, Kuwait’s Islamic Constitutional Movement, Morocco’s Party of Justice and Development, and Hamas. However isolated the differences are, they share a collective identity of what it is like to live in the Arab world that consists of being Islamist (pride in practicing the secular Muslim faith), not Jihadist that is associated with extremist religious fundamentalism. In the development of their own party platform, the Brotherhood made a move to reassure the public, and answer critics about its vague history.
Elements within the Brotherhood advocate the separation of politics and religion that is divergent from Islamist belief. There are divisions in the Muslim Brotherhood on how to form a political party, a split decision over spreading the religious message of the brotherhood, and focusing only on politics. The party platform stresses Council of Religious Leaders to serve an advisory role on judiciary matters, in accordance to sharia law that is an Islamist practice. Brown and Hamzawy states, “Article 2 of the Egyptian constitution, as amended in 1980, proclaims that “Islam is the religion of the state and the principles of the Islamic sharia are the main source of legislation.” The Brotherhood claims to be the defender of Article 2 of the constitution.
In accordance to Article 2 of Egypt’s constitution, the Muslim Brotherhood views non-Muslims and Christians unsuitable for the presidency or senior political positions of a Muslim state. It calls for a council of religious leaders to advise the legislative and executive branches of government, deriving its powers from the judiciary. Any authoritative order would be binding, not merely advisory, in matters in which it felt the sharia laws set precedence. In other words, their platform adheres to secular Islam. However, to ensure democratic processes, there must be checks and balances between the judiciary, legislative, executive branches, and not this top-down file-and-rank structure for the parliament to prevent the elites from assuming too much authority. Also, the Brotherhood claims to be willing to accept a democratic process fully and willing to be out voted by other Egyptians.
Therefore, if that is the case, it might take 15-20 years for the Muslim Brotherhood to form a strong political party. The moderate reformists in the up and coming election will be competing against the conservatives, the liberalists, the secularists, the nationalists, and other established parties branched from the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood needs to be a mobilized, or conduct a grassroots effort to elect their own leadership for the presidential candidate, and that means winning 60% and not an estimated 20% of the present votes in the coming election.
Once again, the US has a window of opportunity for reconciliation and a strategy for promoting democracy. The US will be able to embrace the Muslim Brotherhood by supporting the moderate liberals who want a more free democratic process. Egypt has a huge impact for the rest of the Arab world, as the Islamist movement becomes secularized. Spontaneous uprisings are vulnerable to a vacuum, where old establishments threaten to control new ones. If history teaches anything, “similar organizations promised democracy and then recanted when in power,” states Leiken and Brooke. However, “there are common grounds for cooperation, such as opposition to the jihadist, encouragement of a democracy, and check on Iranian influence,” and that common ground represents an opportunity for the US to work with the reformist arm of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Once again, time will tell whether the U.S. will have to leave their influence over the Middle East. The best place for some degree of engagement is the moderate reformist wing of the Brotherhood. Leiken and Brooke’s states that “case-by-case approaches, letting the situation of the country determine when talking with-or even working with-the Brotherhood is feasible.” Democratic reforms cannot be achieved by facsimile basis. There has to be a comprehensive strategy to lead a country as diverse as Egypt.
The social revolution in Tunisia resulted in the eruption of protests across the Arab world thus inspiring Egypt to become a democracy, but the isolated incident was an effect years in the making. Old government structures are incapable of delivering the social justice, economic and political freedoms, and democracy the Arab people want. People in the Middle East have been confronting this reality of a national crisis dictated by the strongman for decades. This oppression is true for Tunisia and Egypt, which defines the emergence of a true social revolution for necessary political change. According to Leiken and Brooke’s, the Middle East can embrace democracy, but not the political norms from the western world. Egypt and any others as an example must create their own democracy, and the West cannot do it for them, but cooperate with them as a way to facilitate the establishment of a democracy in order to avoid the pit falls that might prevent their future political development.